Introduction
The policy process is a
set of activity which translates the will of the public (Hill, 2013, p296).
Based on the statement, policymakers
should find ways to provide a policy
which benefits the public. The collaboration with other institutions can help
the politicians to achieve the goal of the policy. One of the important
companions for the politicians is bureaucrats. Peters (2001, p156) argued
that in the modern political system, the interactions between politicians and
bureaucrats are crucial.
This essay addresses the
role of politicians in policy making. It discusses and illustrates the
process which involves politicians in policy making. The essay is divided into four chapters. The first
chapter explains the theory about policy process. It presents a concept of
policy and policy process. The second chapter discusses politicians as a policy maker. This chapter focusses on the legislative and political executive. It also
explains the relationship between political executives and bureaucrats in the
policy process. The next chapter
illustrates how politicians make policy by giving cases from Indonesia as an example. The last chapter is the conclusion which
shows that politicians have a crucial role in the policy process.
The
Theory of Policy Process
The definition of policy
according to Chambers Dictionary is “a course of action,
especially one based on some declared and respected principle”. As the
definition involves ‘principles’, Birkland (2014, p.14) argued that the
definition of policy has wider scope compared to a decision. It is related to the effort to embody ideas of actions as
far as it related with some ‘principle’. In a shorter
way, Birkland defined policy as
“statement by government – at whatever level- of what it intends to do about
a public problem”.
Hill (2013, p119) gave
several examples of policy types to be explored.
The first is war policy. Hill lifted this issues based on the reality that
the discourses of war policy were rare, compared to other common policy such
as domestic policy (Hill, 2013, p121). The second is the policy in the economy. It focuses on the management of the
economy. Hill argued that the discussion of the policy process in this area has a little difference from the war
policy. It is caused by the fact that
economists give more alternative perspectives about the analysis of the management of the economy rather than
political scientists. The next policy is providing education. Education is one of the most dominant policies which are provided to the public. The range of policy in education
covers many aspects such as the
funding, the structure, the teacher quality and qualification, and subsidies
for the student. Finally, the policy in health services has the same
treatment as education policy. Also,
the provision of the health service as the implementation of public policy
can be complex. One of the reasons why it is complex is the fact that a
simple attempt to improve the quality of service can affect the entire system
(Hill, 2013, p139).
According to Birkland,
“the term policy process suggests that there is some system that translates
policy ideas into actual policies that are implemented and have positive
effects (2014, p25). Weible (in
Sabatier & Weible, 2014, p5), defined policy process as “the interactions
over time between public policy and its surrounding actors, events, and
context, as well as the policy or policies’ outcome”. The definition mentions
public policy as a part of the policy
process. Weible explained that public policy covers actions from the government or an equivalent institution in
the form of decisions. Birkland (in
Sabatier & Weible, 2014, p4) gave examples of the public policies that
“include, but not limited to, statutes, laws, regulations, executive
decisions, and government programs”. Also,
public policies are regularly and
widely used and accepted practices in providing public services (Schneider
and Ingram; and Ostrom in Sabatier & Weible, 2014, p4).
The policy
process is a term that can be seen as a
system which transforms policy concepts into real policies. Birkland illustrated the policy process in a
figure.
There were many
critiques to the model, mainly arguing the real condition that might deter an
idea of policy to pass every step. But, Birkland
concerned that this model is helpful to understand the policy process (2014,
p26).
In the wider
perspective, Hill explained that policy process studies the making of policy (2013, p119). It is not a single
decision process. It encompasses a series of action to actualize the policy (2013, p16). There are
aspects that support this claim. The first is a decision network. It may
implicate in making an action. Hill
added that the process before comes to
a decision takes much time and often does not fully comply with the original
idea of policy (2013, p16). The second aspect is
shown by the reality that policy
is not always specified in a single decision. In some cases, there
are tendencies that a policy can be made
from a set of decisions. Third, the policy process shows the dynamic of the
mechanism in formulating and implementing the policy. It is one of the causes
the changing of the policies. The other factor is the feedback of the
implementation of the earlier policies which demands improvements for the
next applications (Hill, 2013, p16). Finally,
it is crucial to consider that the policy process is still relevant with the recent
situation (Hill, 2013, p16).
On the
one hand, Birkland argued that policy is a
product of a system where “policy makers translate sets of inputs into
outputs” (2104, p26). On the other hand, Hill contrasted it with the idea
that policies are a mechanism in which
behaviours are adopted and explored (2013, p18). The contrasting views emerge
themes to learn the policy process, first, the connection between policy and politics, and the second,
the dominance and its impacts to the
policy process.
Politician
as Policy Actors
Birkland categorised
participants in policy making into two groups. The first is ‘official
actors’. Their participation is supported by
regulations. It gives them the right to formulate and enforce
policies. The ‘official actors’ are “the legislative, executive, and judicial
branches”. On the other hand, ‘unofficial actors’ are parties that influence
policy process but have no legal authority. They are ‘individual citizens,
interest group, communications media, political parties, think tank and
research organisation’ (Birkland, 2014). As a comparison, Hill mentioned
several actors in the policy process.
They are ‘politicians, pressure groups,
civil servants, publicly employed professionals, and passive recipients of
policy’ (Hill, 2013, p4). From the comparison, Birkland tended to mention the
participant in an institution while Hill divided the policy actor from more
individual perspective.
According
to Oxford
dictionaries, politician is “a
person who is professionally involved in politics, especially as a holder of
an elected office”. From the
definition, it can be inferred that the
subject of politician is limited to
individuals. Also, it concentrates to a
person who leads a political organisation. According to Hill (2013, p18),
recent discussions about policy suggests politicians
have policies. It can stimulate the constituents to decide about policy. The
goal of this idea is that the politicians attempt to persuade the government
to ratify the policies in a formal mechanism.
The Legislative
Fiorina
explained the function of legislative. They are: “select the quantity of
public goods to be given to the public; choose the options to provide the
public goods; help publics In the bureaucracy concerns, advice the bureaucrat
to give better services to the public; and sort out the taxation system as a
source for executives to run the government” (1978, p241).
In addition, legislators also have two
roles, as a facilitator or as a participant in policy making process
(Fiorina, 1978, p241). They have significant decision power to formulate
general public policy. It includes the power to decide policies on taxation
and expenditure. On the other hand, a single legislator only represents their
constituency. It makes them become a participant who has a right to sound and
ask for the provision of services (Fiorina, 1978, p241).
Once a legislative
member is elected, they have to do their responsibilities which mostly are ‘non-partisan
or cross-partisan in nature’ (Strøm, 1997, p169). It means that legislators
must concern to the greater public problems rather than only focusing on
demands from individual or partisan. The Recent
legislative development shows that legislators can build ‘issues network’ or
‘policy subsystem’ from central government to the interest group (Birkland,
2014, p103). It ensures that minority groups or opinions still have a channel
to voice.
Birkland implied that legislative have a big power to defend their
policy or position. Therefore, the
effort from small participants or individuals to change the policy will be
difficult (2014, p106). It also implies that in
order to change an established policy, legislators must gain more
power.
As the member of legislative
is elected from a political party, many of them concern to the next election.
It often consumes much of their resources and energy (Strøm, 1997, p167). Also,
in order to keep their position in the political
party, the legislators often neglects their constituent or take part in supporting unpopular policy (Strøm,
1997, p169). On the other hand, there are critiques to the role of legislative in policy making. Publics often
think that legislators act opposed to
the voices of the public. The public
also considers that legislators are
busy to form a coalition. Finally, publics are often dissatisfied with
legislative performance (Birkland, 2014, p100).
Hill said politicians
have an enormous effect on the policy
process. In addition, the politicians
are likely tended to claim a success policy. But, they also often blame and
criticise a policy which is failed
according to their opinion (Hill, 2013, p4). Interestingly, legislators also
avoid being blamed for losses (Weaver, 1986, p373). It proves
that some politicians tend to be opportunists (Abdullah, 2004, p1).
Political
Executive
According to Peters
(2001, p156), political executives are persons that are elected by constituents or chosen by elected political
executive. In the policy process, they need bureaucrats ‘to carry out the
orders of their political bosses’ (Page, 1992, p49). The interaction between
politicians and bureaucrats can be divided
into five models (Peters, 2001, p158). The First is ‘the formal model’ which
is the normative standard in the relationship between politicians and
bureaucrats. It pictures the role of bureaucrats together with political
executives in poducing policy with the
executive as the dominant factor. At one side, it sees the political
executives as the superior side. On the other hand, the role of the
bureaucrats is lessened as they are
expected to do every order of the executive.
The second model is
‘village life’ model. In this model, the two parties harmonise their position
through socialisation and recruitment process. Top bureaucrats and political
executives have quite similar values and goals. They affiliate to keep their
“territory” from interference from other groups. As a result, rather than a position
as opposite group, this cooperation makes the policy viewed as a product of
one group (Peters, 2001, p159). The concept will run effectively if the
relationship between the politicians and the bureaucrats are harmonious.
The third model is ‘the
functional model’. Almost the same with ‘village life’ model, it integrates
between bureaucrats and political executives but in functional lines. It
lessens the connection between bureaucrats and political executives which have a different
function. The orientation of functional model is to build vertical
integration and make more contacts to the public (Peters, 2001, p161). The
model shows the effective relationship between two sides.
The fourth model is ‘the
adversarial model’. It delivers the conception that bureaucrats and political
executives are competitors. They compete to hold power and dominance the
policy process. The political executive is commonly trying to occupy the
organisation from the civil officers. As a
result, the bureaucrats will often refuse to do orders from the
political executives. They prefer to do what they think is better (Peters,
2001, p162).
Finally, Peters
explained ‘the administrative state model’ as the last model. In this model,
the dominant portion in the decision-making process is under bureaucracy,
rather than elected representatives. This conception based on the recent
situations that many politicians do not have sufficient competencies to deal
with the modern government. As the
consequences, the crucial part in the policy making process is often given to the civil service. In addition, the bureaucracy has abilities to
manage the government procedural mechanism. It can also formulate, speed up
or postpone the decisions based on their experiment (Peters, 2001 p164).
For countries which
implement direct election for executive, the political executives have more
power and legitimation to initiate policy. Also, they have stronger
authorities to manage their finance and administrative matters (Norhodlt,
2011, p236). As regulated by the laws, political executives can order their
staffs to implement a policy (Birkland, 2014, p106). In addition, Edwards argued that the political executives could
not manage all things (Page, 2012, p2). Therefore, they need administrators
to help them. Finally, the political executive may hold a position for a
short time (Peters, 2001, p156). In this
situation, bureaucrats can give advice to the executives because they are more
experienced than the executives.
The
Illustration on Politicians Make Policy
To
illustrate how politicians in Indonesia make policy,
this chapter is explaining how politicians, particularly legislative, make policy in their
constituency. Indonesia is has a legislative body which is the representative
of constituents. It has a right to control the government. The legislative are chosen from political parties which
compete in the general election in
every five years.
Indonesia implements
decentralisation and autonomy principles. It delegates more authorities for
lower levels of government to govern themselves. It also gives the local
governments more political authority (Nordholt, 2011, p230). The lower levels
legislative institutions also establish
in the regional
level. Based on the Indonesian regulation, the legislative has a right to
participate in budgeting process (Abdullah, 2004, p7). In this process, the legislative must actively encourage
significant inputs to the process (Kartiwa, 2016, p13).
There are many cases in
Indonesia that show the effort from the legislative to raise the regional
government budgeting. One of them is by proposing to raise the regional own resources (Abdullah, 2004, p17)
as a part of regional government budgeting. They argued that it will bring
benefits to the public. If the government has extra money, they will have
many options to develop its region. The raising of the regional own resources might lead them to be
more opportunistic because it will benefit the legislative as they will get
more money (Abdullah, 2004, p12). For example, in late 2016, the legislative in the Jakarta Province increased
the target of the regional own resources.
It was increased as much as 1.67% or 580 billion rupiahs, from 34.65 trillion rupiahs
to 35.23 trillion rupiahs
(www.beritajakarta.com). The legislative argued that many sectors can be
optimised to gain more resources. They also
claimed that the government would be benefited if they have extra money.
As mentioned before, the
legislative tend to raise the budget in order to raise the budget allocation to
them (Abdullah, 2004, p7). It means that one of the motivation behind the
effort is to benefit their position. In this situation, the government is
often forced to comply with legislative’s
proposal because they have the power to
impeach administrators (Norholdt, 2011, p235). At this point, experienced
bureaucrats can give advice to the legislatives
about their proposals and the consequences (Bosworth, 1958, p218). Also, the legislators only have a short and temporary
period in their position and limited knowledge about the policy. Therefore
the legislators are expected to be
selective in considering policy before implementing it (Hyde & Shafritz,
1978, in Abdullah, 2004, p6).
Another example of how legislative
produce a policy is an initiative from the legislative
to introduce new levies to local businessmen in a City of Medan (Hadiz, 2004,
p709). According to a legislative member in the city, the reason behind this
policy is because the government seldom asks the businessman to share their
profits. On the one hand, if the
initiative is implemented, the regional
government budgeting will increase. It can provide money for the government
to fund their programmes. On the other hand, there is a drawback of the
introduction of new levies policy. It leads the resistance from several
parties. Many businessmen resisted the idea because it will decrease their
competitiveness and make investors might cancel their investment (Hadiz,
2004, p709). Also, it can be a
justification that legislator’s actions
did not primarily represent the interest of their constituents’ (Nordholt,
2011, p235)
Conclusion
To conclude, politicians
are policy maker. Either as political executives or legislators, they have a significant role in
the policy process. They initiate,
formulate and, in the bureaucracy corridor, take a part policy making
process. To produce a policy, the legislative need supports from other parties. One of the important partners in
policy making is bureaucrats. The cooperation from both parties can make the
policy process realised effectively. Ideally, the bureaucrats take a position
as the executor of the policy. But as mentioned above, there are several
situations that show a poor relationship between bureaucrats and politicians.
In worse cases, they act as opposite sides that compete over power in the policy process.
The illustration about
the role of politicians in policy making shows that Indonesia has problems in
the policy process. The problems emerge because the priority of legislative in regional governments is to
benefit their institution. It causes more problems to several parties
particularly to the bureaucrats and public. The bureaucrats must work harder
to achieve targets given, and the
public must deal with new policies that might cause them get into trouble.
Finally, the politicians
must be aware of their position. They
also must realise that their period power and their knowledge are limited.
Instead of making policies that only benefit themselves, they must give more
attention to the impacts of the implementation of the policies to the public. By considering it, the public can
expect the politician to make policies that equitable for everyone.
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S. (2004, October). Perilaku Oportunistik Legislatif Dalam Penganggaran Daerah:
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Politicians and Their Crucial Role in Making Policy
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